Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies
The Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies (JASS) is a peer-reviewed, open access e-journal published by the Åland Islands Peace Institute (ÅIPI). The journal addresses its overarching theme of peace and security from the perspectives of autonomy, demilitarisation, and minority protection.
Federalism and Security: The Special Police in Ethiopia
Ensuring security is one of the defining characteristics and central claims of a state. In federal countries there is a possibility for two or more actors at different levels to have some mandate over security. In the case of federal Ethiopia the security sector remains complicated. The constituent units have established special police in addition to the regular police, and its role and status remains contested. What is the constitutional basis of the special police? Do regional states have a mandate to establish such a police? Is it a force for stability or instability? How should it be regulated? These are the main questions that this article aims to investigate based on qualitative method, relevant comparative study, and empirical investigation into this rather complex sector. The findings show that the special police resemble more an army than a police force. It has also taken over the mandate of the army, which is a federal mandate. Lately, its size has increased significantly and retired army generals have begun to join it, hinting that the army is being drained. The fact that the impact of the army is depleting owing to the ongoing civil war in the country and the constituent unit special police is slowly taking over mandate implies the center is losing control and the country is slowly falling apart along ethno- national fault lines. The article further explains the race behind the special police and proposes options on how to regulate it.
Special police Ethiopia, ethno federation, peace and security, regional police
Copyright (c) 2022 Assefa Fiseha https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
On Body and Soil : The Potential of Territorial and Environmental Dimensions of Disarmament
If territory is part of the problem in the quest for peaceful relations, it should also be part of the solution. This is the core argument in the present text, where the work of international lawyer Louis Sohn during the Cold War and efforts towards territorial disarmament across time and space are used as starting points for the exploration of possibilities today, including in the global commons and other territories beyond the jurisdiction of individual states. I explore a range of experiences of territorial disarmament already in operation alongside the opportunities currently offered in the nexus between protection of the environment and armed conflicts. Finally, the recently adopted Kunming-Montreal Global Diversity Framework and the UN Principles on protection of the environment in armed conflict developed by the International Law Commission are looked at as opportunities for the successive protection of territories through various forms of disarmament and neutralisation.
Disarmament, demilitarisation, neutralisation, armed conflict, international law, global commons, environment, biological diversity
Copyright (c) 2023 Sia Spiliopoulou Åkermark https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Politicisation of Travelling: Interrail and Freedom
Travelling is today an important aspect of the European political agenda-setting of both individual actors and institutions. The paradigms of car and air travel are contested in terms of climate change; I continue the contestation from the perspective of political liberty. Three paradigms of personal travel – by car, by flight and by train – are confronted with two concepts of liberty: the freedom from interference versus the freedom from dependence. Three ideal types of travel – travelling to, travelling away and travelling around – are judged from the perspective of the two freedoms. Train travel by Interrail is a political innovation that links the freedom of movement to the freedom from dependence on the national states. The EU could offer, with systematic and coherent pro-railway support, travellers’ freedom from dependence, and I suggest some simple pro-railway measures and steps towards parliamentarisation of travel politics. The conceptual point of the article is that freedom of movement can also be regarded as a part of freedom from dependence. In the Postscript I dispute the closing of borders under the corona lockdown and speculate how to retain the freedom of train travel under the condition of keeping the necessary distance from others.
Politicisation, travel politics, freedom from dependence, freedom from interference, freedom of movement, Interrail, Quentin Skinner, Max Weber, European Union
Copyright (c) 2020 Kari Palonen https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Territorialisation, Patronage and Meddling: How Does Great Power Competition Impact Territorial Autonomy?
How is great power competition today relevant to territorial autonomies? The competition between established and rising powers has implications for all political actors across the world, including territorial autonomies. However, the interaction between the rivalry among the great powers and the politics of territorial autonomies has been seldom scrutinised, at least not when addressing the early XXIst century. This commentary proposes three points where these topics connect: the territorialisation of foreign policy, patronage and networking, and meddling and unsettling conflict. By raising these points, this commentary aims to spark a new discussion on how territorial autonomy and international relations at the global level interact in the current era.
territorial autonomy, great powers, international relations, paradiplomacy
Copyright (c) 2023 Ivan Ulises Kentros Klyszcz https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
ASEAN in the Conflict Management of the Rohingya Crisis
This paper explores the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in managing the Rohingya conflict in Myanmar with a focus on ASEAN’s non-interference principle and avoidance of the use of force, as well as the various factors that have influenced its handling of the conflict. The paper argues that while ASEAN has been criticized for its passive approach to the conflict, the organization’s calculations of cost and benefit and its consideration of various checked and balanced elements have influenced its decision-making. However, given the urgency and importance of the Rohingya conflict, this paper suggests that ASEAN should take a more proactive approach to managing the conflict, including a reevaluation of its non-interference principle, the establishment of a specialized conflict management office, and maintaining good relations with Myanmar.
ASEAN, Rohingya, Conflict Management, Non-Interference, South-East Asia
Copyright (c) 2023 Changrui Yuan and Brice Tseen Fu Lee https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Post-conflict Decentralisation in MENA: The Potential Role for Non-State Actors, Extra-legal Arrangements, and Non-territorial Autonomy
Decentralisation is a buzzword commonly utilised in relation to post-conflict state-building and peacebuilding efforts, including in the MENA region. However, its theory and practice are still burdened by the Western heritage of classical political thought. Instead, the author proposes a more tailored approach, in which those common assertions are confronted with the conditions on the ground. Throughout the paper, the tradition of limited statehood, the prevalence in many areas of non-state political actors, as well as the importance of traditional law are analysed. The evidence suggests that non-state actors are likely to play a significant role after the conflict ends, whether it is desired by politicians or not. As such, accommodating them based on contemporary and historical examples as well as innovative mechanisms, and accepting the possibility of legal pluralism and non-territorial autonomy arrangements may result in new, promising decentralisation initiatives tailored for the particular conditions of Middle Eastern states.
decentralisation, MENA, legal pluralism, non-state actors, non-territorial autonomy, middle east
Copyright (c) 2023 Jan Byczkowskı https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
The Unsettled Alliance: Risk, Fear and Solidarity in NATO
NATO never managed to settle how the Alliance should manage Russia post-Cold War. Consequently, the Alliance is still experiencing an internal dichotomy. This article explores the Alliance dynamics since the end of the Cold War and argues that the North-eastern flank countries’ perceptions of Russia and Russian intentionality appear to be based on fear which lead them to pursue an ever-strengthened forward defence. Moreover, this is seen by the flank to be at odds with their Western allies that are willing to pursue a more cooperative approach to Russia. Risk reduction policies therefore become a potential point of contention between the allies, however also a vehicle for the North-eastern flank to boost the forward defence in the region.
NATO, NATO-Russia, North-Eastern flank, risk reduction, deterrence, post-Cold War
Copyright (c) 2023 Gry Thomasen https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Strategic Nuclear Patrols and an Arctic Military Code of Conduct
While rising northern tensions clearly challenge notions of the Arctic as a durable zone of peace, current tensions are rooted in fears of a European conflict spilling northward, not in conflict endemic to the Arctic. Two decades of high north military expansion have certainly added to the region’s strategic uncertainty, but more consequential are the currently increasing levels and pace of competing strategic patrols in the Arctic, especially those that undermine basic nuclear deterrence. Proposals for an Arctic code of conduct, designed to avoid provocative behaviour and reduce risks of accidental encounters escalating, seek to preserve the Arctic as a low-tension security environment, and proposals to constraint strategic patrols rest on the same principle. In particular U.S. anti submarine warfare operations aimed at Russia’s sea-based nuclear deterrent forces threaten the latter’s second-strike forces and thus destabilize mutual strategic deterrence. Strategic ASW operations have been of enduring concern and have led to a succession of proposals to constrain such deployments. Those ideas, however, have never been elevated to sustained exploration or drawn into formal arms control negotiations. Early 2023 may not seem a propitious time to revive ideas of anti-submarine warfare constraint, but in the long term, strategic stability and resumed arms control and disarmament will require attention to them.
anti-submarine warfare, militarization, nuclear deterrence, strategic stability, zone of peace
Copyright (c) 2023 Ernie Regehr https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
A Cooperative Regime for the Arctic: Addressing Sea Lines of Communication and Nuclear Weapons
The UN Convention on the Law of the Seas has established a solid legal foundation for Arctic activities, but it does not prevent the geopolitical rivalry between the USA, China and Russia from extending into the region. Joint action to alleviate upcoming tensions are presently on hold because of the war in Ukraine, but in the meantime, cooperative approaches are worth exploring. Two interrelated issues merit particular attention: how to protect sea lines of communication (SLOCs) without triggering big power conflict, and how to deal with the problems posed by nuclear weapons.
Arctic, geopolitics, sea lines of communication, nuclear, regime
Copyright (c) 2023 Sverre Lodgaard https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
INF v. Missile Defence Confrontation and Vulnerabilities of Logistics across the Baltic Sea
Three types of problems are discussed in this speech: nuclear missile confrontation, logistics risks across the Baltic Sea as well as communication and electricity undersea networks.
INF treaty, nuclear confrontation, undersea networks
Copyright (c) 2023 Matti Vuorio https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Nuclear Risk in the Arctic and Further: A Peace Movement’s Perspective
This speech gives a short overview of the existing risks of nuclear war and of the catastrophic humanitarian and climate consequences of even a regional nuclear war.
nuclear weapons, nuclear winter, ICAN, IPPNW
Copyright (c) 2023 Kat Juva https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Increasingly the go-to option for managing separatism, territorial autonomy provides special self-government for territorially concentrated minorities. Rather than an institution in its own right, autonomy is often studied as a form of decentralization and federalism or an endpoint in peace processes. To aid in conceptual development and demonstrate varied applications, this paper analyzes the varied forms and uses of territorial autonomy. The best-known forms are democratic and post-conflict. Less understood are indigenous, authoritarian, and ‘nested’ autonomies. These types of territorial autonomy are approach by distinct scholarly subfields and feature varied causes, institutions, effects, and defects.
Copyright (c) 2024 Shane Barter https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
This study examines the impact of informal arrangements between the Northern Rangeland Trust (NRT), a non-governmental organization, pastoral communities, and state actors in northern Kenya, focusing on Isiolo and Samburu counties. The cases in these counties highlight the contrasting impacts of NRT-led conservation interventions on natural resource management (NRM). The work draws on 56 in-depth interviews, 41 focus group discussions, repeated field observation, and transect walks conducted between 2018 and 2024 with key informants, including NRT representatives, government officials, civil society actors, and pastoral community members, triangulating findings with conservation literature and government documents. The analysis reveals that public-private partnerships (PPPs) involving NRT and government actors are characterized by secrecy, and their influence is primarily evident through their impacts. Conservation efforts, often justified under the guise of environmental protection, have increasingly relied on the privatization and legitimization of coercive force. This militarized approach exacerbates resource conflicts and perpetuates cycles of violence. The study, thus, underscores the need for greater transparency and accountability in conservation initiatives to balance resource management and community livelihoods effectively.
Copyright (c) 2024 Clifford Collins Omondi Okwany, Evelyne Atieno Owino https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Post-Soviet Territorial Autonomy – Why So Resilient?
The article considers the reasons why most territorial autonomies in Northern Eurasia have survived to date after the Soviet Union’s collapse despite authoritarian rule, homogenizing policies, and national elites’ sceptical attitudes towards ethnic and regional particularism. The author highlights the insufficiency of the existing explanatory frameworks resting on the notions of path dependence, contentious politics, sham arrangements, and political informality. The article seeks to offer a new supplementary perspective through analyzing autonomy arrangements in the framework of governmentality, depoliticization, and consent-based rule. The article’s point of departure is that Soviet territorial autonomy was a complex institutional setting that generated ambiguous and eclectic narratives coupled with durable routines of governance. During the USSR’s demise and the turn to public politics, these organizational and discursive forms demonstrated endurance. The further overview of functionable autonomy arrangements in seven countries shows similar dynamics and patterns independent of authoritarian or pluralist environment. The author concludes that these common features can be addressed as the overall societal reluctance to engage in contentious politics in favor of post-political technocratic rule. Concurrently, the formal recognition of territorial autonomy serves as a minimal necessary condition for the societal consent about the basics.
Copyright (c) 2025 Alexander Osipov https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
The Arctic region is warming four times faster than the rest of the planet, with the inevitable result that the economy, natural resources, ocean and land sustenance and all human security factors now require rapid adjustment by both government and population. The circumpolar nations have taken pride in an era of peaceful cooperation. Working together for the common good is a deliberate choice of the circumpolar nations but also a necessity because of the extremely harsh climate that prevails in the Arctic lands and waters. Over the past decade Russia has developed many military bases, extended over the whole of its lengthy northern seacoast. The Arctic is a major economic base for Russia. Undersea, the submarine patrols of the Cold War, by both Russia and the United States, had been drastically reduced. Now military exercises in and near the Arctic are extensive; Chinese military vessels have entered the North Pacific. While military resources of individual countries have occasionally entered the Arctic area, there formerly was genuine support for the ideal of a demilitarized Arctic. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was a clear indication that Russia is unpredictable and aggressive. Russia could choose aggressive action in the Arctic. The entire Arctic region is thus destabilized while it waits for the future to unfold. This is a brief review of the current situation of Arctic organizations and countries that intend to benefit by the opening of the Arctic. The composite situation provides a way to discern the ongoing destabilization of the Arctic
Arctic cooperation, NATO, Arctic governance, Russian military, Unites States military
Copyright (c) 2023 Adele Buckley https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Rethinking the Contemporary Influences of Commerce on Language Use: Lessons for the Åland Islands from an Imperfect Comparison with Madawaska, Maine
Located in between, but separated from, the mainlands of Finland and Sweden, the Åland Islands have for a century negotiated complex relationships of politics, language and culture with both regions. Åland is an autonomous territory of Finland but its language base is distinctly Swedish rather than Finnish. Technically, Åland’s single official Swedish language is protected by the Finnish constitution and even a ruling of the Council of the League of Nations. But Ålanders have long feared incursions from Finland that might erode the protections for Åland’s Swedish speech. In the academic literature these fears have largely been addressed in terms of the legal competences held by Åland as an island territory and/or the politics that drive Åland’s relationship with its metropole Finland. This research note shows that the Swedish language in Åland may be at threat from a novel angle, namely shifts in both language and imagined community that can occur in the wake of changing global business relationships. To explain this threat, the research note explores the corresponding shifts that have transformed the remote and formerly bilingual region of Madawaska in the northeast United States. Although from a distant location – geographically, politically and culturally – this story of Madawaska stands as an important and potentially controversial cautionary tale for Åland.
The Åland Islands, Madawaska, territorial sovereignty, international commerce, global value chains, protection of regional language and culture
Copyright (c) 2022 Kevin Sobel-Read https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
The 1-O that recalled Franco: The Civil War and Dictatorship in Parties’ accounts of the 2017 ’Catalan crisis’
The Catalan Independence referendum in 2017 (1-O), and the events following it, launched a political crisis unparalleled to anything in Spain during the last decades. The relationship between the central state and Catalonia is affected by interpretations and recollections of past events: the past motivates action, evaluates them, and outlines the collective the recaller belongs to. Collective memory can significantly complicate conflict resolution. To understand the complex link between memory and conflict, this study examines how the memory of the Civil War and Franco was present in regional politicians’ statements from the time. In total 622 online articles from 2017 were collected from the six regional parties, covering campaigning before the referendum, declaration of independence, and the regional elections. The interpretations of current issues mimic collective memories, leaning on their assumptions. The recollections of independentists were more detailed, focusing on the Second Republic, the Civil War, Franco, and memory politics. Constitutionalists directed the attention towards Basque nationalism and the coup of 23-F, praising the transition. Both nations were defined using memory, and all accuse the opponents of being Francoist. The main distinction lies in how connected the current Spanish state is to its Francoist past, and what today’s independentists and Basque nationalists have in common.
Collective memory, Catalan crisis, Catalan independence movement, Franco, the Spanish Civil War, memory in conflicts, frame analysis
Copyright (c) 2022 Aune Sanz https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Demilitarisation and neutralisation in the context of European security
Speech held by Dr Åsa Gustafsson at the Åland Parliament Conference 'Demilitarisation and neutralisation - A stabilising force for peace in the region'
demilitarisation, neutralisation, Åland solution, European security
Copyright (c) 2022 Åsa Gustafsson https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
The 1921 Convention on the Non-Fortification and Neutralisation of the Åland Islands as an integral part of the Åland Solution
Speech held by Dr Sia Spiliopoulou Åkermark at the Åland Parliament Conference 'Demilitarisation and Nautralisation– a stabilising force for peace in the region'
demilitarisation, neutralisation, Åland solution
Copyright (c) 2022 Sia Spiliopoulou Åkermark https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Åland Demilitarisation and Neutralisation – International Lessons
Speech held by Deputy Minister For Foreign Affairs Of Sweden, Mr Robert Rydberg
Copyright (c) 2022 Robert Rydberg https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Speech by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Finland
Speech by the Minister for Foriegn Affairs of Finland at the Åland Parliament Conference 'The demilitarisation and neutralisation of Åland, a stabilising force for peace in the region'
Copyright (c) 2022 Pekka Haavisto https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Opening speech by the President of the Republic of Finland
Opening speech at the Åland Parliament seminar on 20 October 2021: ‘Demilitarisation and neutralisation – a stabilising force for peace in the region'
Copyright (c) 2022 Sauli Niinistö https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Can Federalism Achieve the ‘Purpose of Government’? : Ethnic Crisis and Protection of Life and Property in Nigeria
The study resulted from the writers’ observation on raising cases of inter-ethnic crisis, insecurity, and the multiplier effects of loss incurred by residents in Nigeria. Loss of lives and properties possibly complicates an uncertainty in inter-ethnic relationships and insecurity in the country. Thus, while studies have examined the internally displaced persons (IDPs), and insecurity in the country, there is no study that has bridged the gap between the resettlement of residents on the one hand, and sustainable inter-ethnic residents’ crisis management in Nigeria on the other. The study highlights the approaches of government for the resettlement of residents in residence in post-conflict situations, and identifies the reasons why the approaches of government on conflict prevention and management have failed to ensure residential rights in Nigeria. A descriptive research design was adopted, and qualitative data was sourced from secondary materials including newspaper articles, textbooks, and published and unpublished research studies. Cases of inter-ethnic clashes were purposively selected and analysed across the six geo-political zones in the country. Data were analysed using the desktop review method. The study revealed that there are no clearcut policies for the resettlement of displaced residents thus far in Nigeria. The measures of government on conflict prevention and management remain failed either due to lack of capacity for prevention ormanagement of attacks.
Ethnic crisis, Ethnicity, Federalism, Indigene, Insecurity, Settler
Copyright (c) 2021 Sunday Tunde Akindele and Rotimi Adeforiti https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Territorial Autonomy as a Constitutional Mechanism to Address Diversity-Driven Conflicts: An Ethiopian Case Study
Ethiopia is the oldest independent, and the second most populous, country in Africa. It is the home of over eighty ethnolinguistic communities, also known as ‘nations, nationalities and peoples’. None of them represents 50 percent of the total population. The constitution adopted following the regime change in 1991 has introduced a federal state structure that bestows territorial autonomy, including the unconditional right to secession, to all the ethnolinguistic communities equally and irrespective of their demographic size and settlement pattern. The framers and advocates of the constitution consider this model of territorial autonomy as an approach to deal with diversity and respond to identity-related questions. Others contend that the constitution is an instrument for the ethnicization of administrative provinces that heightens and proliferates intercommunal conflicts in the country, rather than resolving the longstanding political turmoil associated with identity-related questions. I analyze the historical discourse that led to the formation of the federation, the interplay between the central/federal government and sub-state governments, the protection of diffused minorities, the issue of boundary demarcation between sub-states, and the status and role of the sub-states` security apparatuses. Though much was token about its successes, I argue that the constitution is defective in its design, and if it has not aggravated the underlying causes of persistent political crisis across the country it has certainly not addressed them. After about three decades of the inauguration of the federation, the unsettled identity-related questions that have manifested in outspread interethnic clashes and tension between sub-states due to land claims and/or identity questions prove the deficiency of the constitutional mechanism, notably the multi-level territorial autonomy model, to resolve such protracted and complex issues which have unprecedentedly riddled the country. Thus, reconsideration of the constitution through a stable and comprehensive transitional justice process is necessary to address outstanding issues and re-legitimize and consolidate the Ethiopian polity.
Ethnolinguistic community, Federalism, Polity, Territorial autonomy
Copyright (c) 2021 Tesfaye Ayalew Mekonen https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
The Race to Carbon Neutrality: What Does it Mean for Territorial Autonomies and Diversity Management?
This paper highlights the rapid development and implementation of sustainable energy policy and its effects on Territorial Autonomies. It explores current and potential future developments on the Åland Islands off the south-west coast of Finland, and the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in southern China. Findings suggest that Territorial Autonomies would benefit from a more comprehensive sub regional approach to global energy sustainability and carbon neutrality.
Carbon neutrality, Territorial Autonomy, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Åland Islands
Copyright (c) 2021 Walker Darke https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Joint Bodies - a Key Factor for Successful Autonomous Systems? The Cases of the Italian Special Regions and the Åland Islands
Territorial autonomy is significantly affected by the operation of IGR (intergovernmental relations) institutions and practices. Indeed, it could be said that autonomous arrangements need an effective system of IGR – be it formal or informal – based on mutual trust in order to work successfully and realize their potential. With a view to shedding some light on the described relation between autonomy and IGR, the article deals with particular IGR institutions existing in the Italian and Finnish legal systems, namely the joint committees (JC) for the implementation of the Autonomy Statutes (ASt) (of the special Regions) and the Åland Delegation (ÅD). Both are bodies equally composed of members of the central state and the autonomous entity, and they are considered of particular interest for they seem to be among the main keys to the success of the analyzed autonomies. The comparison – which takes into account institutional and, insofar as possible, non-institutional aspects – aims primarily to verify this statement in both cases. Moreover, comparing them may be of further interest to increase the knowledge surrounding these institutions and their role, as well as to draw inspiration for possible solutions for both these and other systems.
Territorial autonomy, IGR, Joint bodies, Italy, Finland, Joint committees, Åland delegation
Copyright (c) 2021 Nicolò Paolo Alessi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
When an autonomy has come of age it becomes – from a comparative perspective – an arrangement that raises new questions compared to when the autonomy was ”young”, or recently founded. How can it be so? Isn’t an autonomy an active, continuously developing legal and political construct that is managing an originally historic conflict which otherwise would erupt again? The Åland Islands are now celebrating 100 years of autonomy, making it the oldest autonomy still in active operation. The jubilee is an excellent opportunity to reflect upon comparative aspects of Åland´s autonomy through research and seminars. When the ledger of experiences and reflections shall make a final reconciliation on the last page of the autonomy’s first century, we have both historic and contemporary analyses available. Returning to the initial question above, a dimension to which lasting conflict resolution mechanisms are exposed is the sustainability aspect. What is it that makes a solution last, and – even more interesting – is it the original conflict that continues to be managed by the mechanism after say 50 years, or 100? The hidden hypothesis behind the question is of course the statement that forces other than fear of a non-peaceful repetition have taken over as a fundament for the autonomy; call them institutionalisation, contextual changes, reframed inter-group relations, or an internationalisation of political and social relations. If there is some support for a hypothesis along these lines, the ironic situation emerges that the longer an autonomy stays, and – if so – the more its sustainability rests on post-settlement conditions other than the original ones, the less useful the autonomy becomes as a case for comparison with new and freshly framed autonomy arrangements, be they special arrangements or components in major constitutional projects. On the other hand, the quality of an autonomy that survives and reframes its original problems may actually serve as an example of other and more general political insights. One such insight could be that the more the subsidiarity principle is employed, and the closer democracy is to its constituents, the more we are likely to see a peaceful and trusting local community based on its own character and identity. Maybe autonomies in a changing global environment are sustained because of their flexibility and adaptability, rather than through clinging to tensions that once existed but have been overtaken by other priorities? In this issue of the Journal of Autonomy and Security Studies you will encounter comparative perspectives that have horizons of different distances. Under the surface is always the constant question of to what extent old tensions are alive, and exploitable, or if a new reality has taken over the priorities of the people – and if so, hopefully also their leaders. The question is always present: which problem is in any moment regulated by an autonomy? Who formulates that, and does it bring focus towards history or towards the future?
Copyright (c) 2021 Kjell-Åke Nordquist https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Swedish-American Relations and the Vietnam War, 1965–1975
Between 1965-1975, Sweden and the United States experienced a worsening diplomatic relationship as a result of domestic pressures caused by the Vietnam War. In Sweden, this came initially in the form of grassroots activism, which spread into the electoral base of the governing Social Democratic Party, whose leadership feared losing voters to the Communist Party. Simultaneously, the government of the United States sought to combat any criticism towards its campaign while at the same time not alienating an otherwise strategic partner. The massive fluctuation in diplomatic relations was further complicated by a wide array of issues, ranging from American deserters to Swedish mediation efforts and attempts at freeing American prisoners of war. Notably, military and intelligence cooperation during this period remained strong and largely unaffected. This episode offers many lessons on Cold War neutrality and attempts by small states to forge an independent foreign policy while seeking to maintain relations.
Cold War, Vietnam War, Swedish-American Relations
Copyright (c) 2020 Naman Karl-Thomas Habtom https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
EU Policy on Immigration and Integration: Multiculturalism or Assimilation
During the last decades, there has been an intense political contest about the mode of integration of third country nationals in the European Union (EU) and its member states. There is an ambiguity whether the union is first and foremost the champion of diversity and multicultural policies, or if it has returned to assimilative-oriented policies in the emerging modern form of civic integration policies. The backdrop is the growing assimilative practices and policies throughout the union. This paper will explore the existence of both assimilative-oriented/civic integration tendencies and tendencies of multiculturalism in recent immigration and integration policies of the EU by analysing the Commission’s Action Plan on the integration of third-country nationals from 2016. Special focus will be on finding out whether the Action Plan supports the hypothesis that the EU has entered into a distinct post-multiculturalism period. The conclusion of the article supports this hypothesis convincingly, showing that the plan contains evenly matched representations of both multicultural and assimilative-oriented/civic integration policies. Moreover, this article discovers clear representations of the intercultural policy paradigm, in addition to a heavy focus on economic instrumentalism and employment in the Action Plan´s integration policies.
Multiculturalism, assimilation, civic integration, Action Plan on the integration of third-country nationals, Integration policies, Immigrants, Third-country nationals (TCNs), European Union, Post-multiculturalism period
Copyright (c) 2020 Gustav Blomberg https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Migration is a phenomenon as old as humanity. Conflicts, armed and non-armed, are similarly as old as humanity”. Both phenomena express the commitment of individuals and groups to change life – by necessity or ideology, and sometimes both. Most often at great cost for everyone involved. In this issue of JASS we will have the opportunity to reflect on these two cardinal aspects of social life as they appear in the modern world and in today’s political structures – with the European Union as a case in point. Migration and wars are among the most profound upheavals of social order that humankind has to address – migration as a long-term, steady movement of individuals, and wars as a comparatively short-term and organized imposition of political and social structures. What security is, under such circumstances, is in itself a complex matter; unfortunately worsened under a year of a global pandemic. JASS introduces in this Issue the concept of authors that are ”early career researchers”. It reflects an ambition of JASS editors to invite and introduce research-oriented advanced students, for example PhD level students, to the handicraft of article writing and early sharing of research findings – a skill that is of use throughout any academic career, and to the benefit of all the readers of JASS.
Copyright (c) 2020 Kjell-Åke Nordquist https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0